fire by an incendiary: a microhistory of a forgotten act of Rebellion

empires of Leaf and Labor

Queen Anne District was situated in the “Forest of Prince George’s County”, and a contributor to the New York Times described it as “the great tobacco region of Maryland, and probably no other territory of equal extent in America produces so much of that famous weed.” [Dec 6, 1861] This immense agricultural output depended entirely on a vast population of enslaved people, who by 1860 constituted the majority of the county’s residents. From preparing the soil and the seedbeds, to tending the transplanted seedlings, to the constant worming and topping of the plants, to the harvest where entire stalks were cut, hung to cure, and stripped of their leaves for passage to the markets, the work was tedious and back-breaking.

lord of thorpland and thomas circle

Charles Hill was a descendant of Clement Hill, who owned Compton Bassett, a large estate to the east of Upper Marlboro near Hill’s Landing. Since 1700, the Hill family had implemented strategic marriages with the Darnalls, Digges, and other prominent Catholic families, establishing their status among the elite planters. Charles Hill purchased the nearby Thorpland in the 1810s and later acquired other lands throughout Queen Anne District. By 1828, his holdings were assessed at nearly 2,000 acres. An estate of this scale, classified as a large plantation, depended on the forced labor of more than one hundred enslaved people to generate the profits necessary to sustain and expand his agricultural enterprise. In addition to his holdings in Prince George’s County, Hill was a director for the Bank of Metropolis in Washington, cementing his role as a capitalist with a fashionable city residence in Thomas Circle.

plows, prizes, and profit

The hands of enslaved people plucked worms from the plants, their fingers snapped buds off the top, and their arms swung hoes to clear the weeds as they slowly moved up and down the rows of the cultivated fields. In addition to the labor of the field hand, the enslaved laborers used a variety of agricultural implements as they moved the stalks and leaves from the fields to the tobacco houses.

Planters’ Advocate and Southern Maryland Advertiser | MSA Special Collection
Transcription of Advertisement

lighting a firework on a hot july night

Waud, Alfred R. , Artist. Tobacco House. United States, None. [Between 1860 and 1865] Photograph. https://www.loc.gov
Historic American Buildings Survey, Creator, and Catherine C Lavoie, Boucher, Jack E, photographer. Warington Tobacco Barn,Enterprise Road, Mitchellville, Prince George’s County, MD. Mitchellville Prince George’s County Maryland, 1933. Documentation Compiled After. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov
Waud, Alfred R. , Artist. Tobacco house. North Ga. Georgia United States, None. [Between 1860 and 1865] Photograph. https://www.loc.gov

This unremitting cycle of labor, designed to maximize profit for the enslaver, was met with calculated resistance by the enslaved people forced to endure it. Resistance took many forms, from slowing the pace of work and breaking tools to more overt and dangerous acts of defiance and were often direct assaults on the economic engine of the plantation.

During the hot, humid months of July, while enslaved men, women and children were expected to be vigilant for worms and weeds, while their bodies were bent with the tasks of hoeing, topping, and weeding, the tobacco barns sat empty, waiting for the harvest that was to come in late summer.

One late night in July, a man left the estate of Dr. Benjamin Lee and walked to a farm of Charles Hill. There, he set fire to the empty tobacco house, which contained a valuable tobacco prize, burning the wooden structure along with nearby shocks of grain.

Fire.—We regret to state that on Saturday night last a large Tobacco-house on the farm of CHARLES HILL, Esq., near this village, was entirely consumed by fire. There was nothing in it at the time except a Tobacco prize. Several shocks of grain near the house were also fired.—The whole was undoubtedly the work of an incendiary. A negro man belonging to Dr. BENJAMIN LEE has been since arrested, charged with having caused the fire.

a journey of two miles or four

The newspaper’s reference to the fire occurring at a farm “near this village” [Upper Marlboro] initially suggests the target was Charles Hill’s primary residence, Thorpland, located in the Marlboro District. The geography, however, presents a logistical challenge to this assumption. Thorpland was situated four miles from Dr. Benjamin Lee’s property near the Northampton estate, a significant distance for the accused man to travel covertly on foot at night.

A more probable location was a satellite plantation owned by Hill, known as his “Quarter Place.” This farm, managed by an overseer and worked by a contingent of enslaved people, was located only two miles northwest of Dr. Lee’s residence in the Western Branch neighborhood. The shorter, more manageable distance makes this quarter farm the most likely target of the arson, rather than Hill’s more distant home plantation.

Moreover, the report describes the location simply as a farm.” Had the fire been set at “Thorpland”, the site of Hill’s main residence, the paper likely would have used more specific language to denote the home of a prominent planter, such as “dwelling house,” “estate,” or “the residence of Charles Hill.” The generic term “farm” aligns perfectly with the status of a quarter place—a property that was purely an agricultural operation, distinct from the family seat.

an anxious planter class reassured

The enslaver class responded swiftly through both the legal system and the press. Initially reported in the local Planters’ Advocate, the story was picked up by the Alexandria Gazette, the Baltimore Sun, and the Port Tobacco Times and Advertiser.

His fate now hung precariously between two systems of control. Would he be turned over to the formal legal system to be sold out of state at a public auction, chained in a coffle, and sent to the cotton plantations of the Deep South? Or would his enslaver, Dr. Lee, arrange for his release from the jail, only to “resolve” the situation through the private violence of “plantation justice”—either by a public whipping or a more profitable private sale to a slave dealer from the District?

The fleeting, fiery assertion of his will—a profound risk for liberty—was answered with the permanent, crushing reality of the slave system, a midnight conflagration met with the cold finality of the chain and the coffle under the hot sun.

Abraham Henry | USCT

Abraham (Abram) Henry enlisted in the 1st Regiment of the US Colored Infantry in June 1863, when the regiment was being organized in the District.

His service records indicate that he was a free man and as such could receive $100 bounty for enlisting.

US Colored Troops Military Service Records “Abram Henry” | ancestry.com

Alexander Hawkins was another free man who joined the same regiment and same company, who was also from Upper Marlboro. Neither man is found in the 1860 census for Prince George’s County.

Both men enlisted a year after the abolition of slavery in DC, and in that year, many enslaved people in neighboring jurisdictions fled their enslavers and the estates where they were held captive, escaping to DC where they could claim freedom. This flight came at the risk of encountering slave patrols and constables who preyed on Black people (regardless of official status), capturing them, confiscating their property and (re)enslaving them.

Chandra Manning wrote in her book Troubled Refuge: Struggling for Freedom in the Civil War, that “despite the chronic threat of kidnapping, refugees from Maryland could at least hope to blend in among the capital city’s free black community.” With the abolition of slavery in DC, it is likely that Abram Henry claimed free status in an attempt to avoid recapture and a return to an enslaver. This theory is supported by documentary evidence both in Henry’s service record and in the registrations kept by the Freedmen’s Bureau. Henry’s wife, Celia, was living in a refugee camp.

Celia Henry

Freedmen and refugees gathered in the presence of the Union troops. Manning wrote, “Wherever the Union army went, tens of thousands of enslaved men, women, and children made their way to its blue lines, braving almost unimaginable risks to get there. They gambled against dogs, heavily armed search parties, jittery Confederate and Union pickets who might shoot at the very sound of an unexpected footstep…Still they came. Still they found work where they could. Still they aided the Union army when and where they were able.” Celia Henry and her two younger children are listed in the registration for the Freedmen’s Village, situated on the bluffs on the confiscated lands of the Lee family, where the federal government was creating a series of forts and entrenchments to protect the capital city.

Another record has her registering at Camp Wadsworth, one of the camps set up in Arlington to house the refugees and provide opportunities for employment. Camp Wadsworth was established on the land of Cooke, who had rebelled against the federal government and crossed to the confederacy. The Union army seized his land near Langley and converted it to Camp Wadsworth. There about 200 refugees grew winter wheat, corn, oat, potatoes, cabbage, turnips, buckwheat, melons, tomatoes and garden vegetables. Men are paid from $8 to $10 a month with rations and quarters. (Birmingham Daily Post, 02 Jun 1864) The Buffalo Morning Express reported that some of the crops grown were used as rations in the hospitals (04 Aug 1863)

Family Names

In addition to the record of Celia Henry finding refuge at Arlington Heights and at Camp Wadsworth, there is a pattern of family names that suggest that Abram Henry and his family escaped from Charles Hill.

Charles Hill, and his son, Charles C. Hill were among the largest slaveholders in Prince George’s County. They owned substantial estates in both Marlboro and Queen Anne District. In the 1860 census, Charles Hill’s real estate was valued at $300,000 and his personal estate (which included the value of commodified enslaved people) was $215,000. His son had real estate at $83,000 and a personal estate of $71,720. They enslaved around 280 people according to the 1860 US Slave Schedule.

In 1867, Charles C. Hill submitted compensation lists for himself and on behalf of his father’s estate, listing the given and family names of those he enslaved. Among the lists are the family names, Henry and Hawkins, the same family name as Abram Henry and Alexander Hawkins who enlisted as free men. In fact, the Hill family was the only family to submit the name Henry as a family name.

A review of the Freedmen’s Bureau registration lists shows other family names connected with the Hills’ compensation lists: Holland and Diggs. The Hill family claimed 35 people with the family name Diggs, and a Holland family. The Holland family was smaller: four people, one of whom was named Martha and her two children, who were the same approximate age of those in the Registration list.

The evidence is circumstantial and indirect — and it is possible that documentary evidence exists that counters this hypothesis. And yet, the evidence that has been found suggests the possibility that Abram and his wife Celia escaped to DC with their children, and Abram signed up to fight in the newly created regiment of the Colored Troops while Celia sought refuge at the freemen’s camps.

After the war, they returned to Prince George’s County where they raised a family, having many of their children baptized by the priests of White Marsh a Jesuit Plantation with connection to Charles Hill and other wealthy Catholic landowners.